Origins
of the
Massachusetts Civil
Service Commission
(1884-1938)
by Alexander
Macmillan
Civil Service
laws in the United States evolved in the late nineteenth century as a
reaction to the practice of patronage or the "spoils system:" the rewarding
of politically active individuals with government positions in return
for continued support. Spurred by a wave of public revulsion against the
practice following the assassination of President James Garfield by a
disappointed office-seeker, Congress passed the Pendelton Act in 1883,
described as an act to "regulate and improve the Civil Service of the
United States."
The fundamental
goals of the Commission thus established, (under the early leadership
of a young reformer from New York named Theodore Roosevelt,) were to reduce
the corrosive effects of political patronage and cronyism, to provide
for continuity in government service despite the disruptions of the electoral
process, and to develop a cadre of professional public administrators
immune from political influence. The Act included provisions for competitive
examinations, security from political harassment, and insulation from
politically motivated dismissal.
Following
the lead of New York, Massachusetts became the second state to adopt a
merit system in public employment. Signed into law by Governor Robinson
in 1884, the Massachusetts Civil Service Act was called by the influential
Boston Transcript "the most important act which has passed the legislature
for years." Civil Service, opposed by the adherents of the Democrat, General
Ben Butler, who was defeated for Governor by Robinson in 1883, was essentially
a Republican reform.
The apostles
of the national movement, organized as the Civil Service Reform Association,
included numerous, worthy citizens of Boston and Cambridge who were known
politically as "Mugwumps." Locally, the legislative effort was pushed
by a group of young lawyers with ties to Harvard: Henry Cabot Lodge, Moorefield
Story, Charles Theodore Russell, Leverett Saltonstall, Richard Henry Dana,
and Josiah Quincy, Jr. [156]
From the
moment of its passage, the Civil Service law came under regular attack
from those who wished to limit its application, including organized groups
of veterans, first of the Civil War, and later of the Spanish-American
War. The Civil Service Reform Association continued to battle what it
termed the "unholy combination of spoilsmen and veterans preference supporters"
throughout the balance of the nineteenth century and the well into the
twentieth.
Led by its
indomitable Secretary, Arthur Brooks, and Marian C. Nichols, Secretary
of the Women's Auxiliary formed in 1901, the Association was generally
successful in staving off absolute veterans preference, except for Civil
War veterans, until forced to accept a major "compromise" on this score
during the Governorship of Calvin Coolidge, following World War 1.
Indeed,
the Women's Auxiliary, loosely affiliated with the State Federation of
Women's Clubs and including in its relatively small number "a group of
distinguished names whose opposition would damage any legislator," became
the backbone of the Civil Service reform movement. It possessed the zeal,
the connections and the intelligence necessary to secure favorable press
coverage for its defensive efforts.
The Commission
itself, and particularly its early leadership, mirrored the reform constituency
which help to establish it. Until the 1930's, more than half the Commission
members were graduates of Harvard, and frequently of Harvard Law School
as well. Charles T. Russell, Jr., of Cambridge, an initial appointee who
served for nearly twenty years, usually as Chairman, until his death in
1903, Charles Warren, who served as Chairman from 1905 to 1911, Dana Payson,
a Brookline Selectman who served as Chairman from 1919 to 1927, and his
successor, E.H. Goodwin, who served as Chairman from 1927 to 1931, were
all Harvard-educated lawyers. Goodwin also served as Secretary of the
National Civil Service Reform League and as Secretary of the United States
Chamber of Commerce.
In the 1930's
a sea change in the political landscape, locally as well as nationally,
resulted in the political decline of the earlier, upperclass reform group
which had supported Civil Service. The work of the latest in a series
of special legislative commissions, dominated by employee groups and elected
political officials, culminated, in 1938, in a comprehensive revamping
of the system. The number of Commissioners was increased from three to
five, and terms were extended from three years to five years - a framework
still utilized. Despite the urging of some members of the special commission,
the Legislature failed to grant the Civil Service Commission the power
to review allegations of improper removal - heard exclusively in the district
courts since the turn of the Century.
Other steps
were taken to transform the anti-patronage, "policing" nature of Civil
Service into a supposedly modern, more flexible and efficient personnel
system, with an emphasis on recruitment and the development of scientifically
determined "standards" for employment and promotion. It must be noted
that the latest "reforms" included increased preferences for veterans
and local residents, and numerous proprietary changes sought by current
government employees, who were seeking to protect their status and seniority
rights, at the expense of "outsiders." [157]
In
the egalitarian 1930's, entrance requirements were also generally eased.
Maximum age, minimum height-and-weight, and educational standards were
modified or eliminated altogether. To a degree not matched in the Federal
Civil Service, or in most other states, "practical experience" could now
be substituted for educational training.
As an unintended
consequence, it became more difficult to eliminate qualifying or promotional
examinations and the system was to become, if anything, more rigid, costly
and bureaucratic than before. Little was done to eliminate so-called "provisional"
or "temporary" appointments, which in the view of some provided needed
flexibility but which, in the view of others, provided a back-door means
of getting political friends into office.
Despite
this major effort, in 1938, to reform the Civil Service system based on
the first fifty years of our experience with it, the tension among those
favoring greater flexibility in personnel matters, particularly at the
municipal level, those deeming it vital to establish clear, uniform, statewide
standards in order to recruit able school and college graduates into public
service, the veterans groups, and the wary public employees
themselves, remained unresolved.
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